This article by James Haynes was originally published on Palladium Magazine on October 28, 2020. It was featured in PALLADIUM 16: After Populism. To receive PALLADIUM 16: After Populism, subscribe today.
In the wake of the COVID-19 crisis, the U.S. has faced upwards of 200,000 deaths, nationwide civil rights and anti-racism protests, a growing deficit, a fractured economy, and long-term great power competition. America needs an institutional rebirth. History shows us that similar periods of institutional flourishing—like that which followed World War II—required a strong sense of domestic unity and international strength. But rather than unifying the country, the pandemic has only deepened the divisions which regional, economic, and electoral conflicts have conditioned into the population. As things stand, America will leave COVID with more strife than ever. A concerted effort to rebuild the country’s unity will be necessary before anything else is possible.
One of the most tried and tested models for creating unity across Western democracies is that of national service: a compulsory gap period, usually between one and two years, in which young adults contribute directly to the country. Nations such as Sweden, Austria, and Switzerland continue to have such programs today, and countries like France and Germany only suspended their peacetime mandatory service programs after the end of the Cold War—although most of these countries have or had civilian service alternatives before then.
A similar program implemented in the U.S. would be an effective way to reinvigorate the country’s civic ties. We could call this proposal the American Service Fellowship (ASF). Under the ASF program, it would be possible for approximately 90% of American high school graduates to enter a year of military service and for the remaining 10% or so to serve in diplomatic roles through the State Department or other agencies. This would remake and eliminate the existing draft structure, moving toward a hybrid draft and volunteer force model. It would reapportion the military recruiting budget—roughly $3 billion as of 2017—and a portion of the civil and foreign service recruiting budget of nearly $100 million.
This is not a new idea: Stanley McChrystal and Pete Buttigieg have each floated a more limited version of this proposal in recent years. But the current moment has made the necessity for institutional renewal more clear than it has ever been.
There are three reasons why now is the time for a national service program.
The reemergence of great power competition is one of the defining foreign policy and security issues the ASF would be well-suited to address. The ASF would not be meant to function as a military mobilization; it would instead serve as a program for military reserve and diplomatic force strengthening. Overseas military placements in logistical or technical roles combined with international diplomatic placements would prepare a key cohort to serve abroad in both security-focused and diplomatic roles.
From a military perspective, all of the service branches have been given lofty goals for force strengthening, such as attaining a 355-ship Navy, establishing the Space Force, and growing the military’s cyberwarfare capabilities. The military’s mobilization structure is fundamental to meeting the challenges of modernizing a growing force. Unfortunately, the U.S. structure is currently embodied in the antiquated Selective Service System, which was not even included as a relevant mobilization option in 2019 Joint Force planning hearings.
The Selective Service System, currently led by former Washington state senator Donald Benton, could be leveraged to a far greater extent. It has the potential to include not only men of 18-25 years of age but also women and to expand the upper age bound to 35. This is a reasonable target, especially given the resources that great power competitors such as Russia and China dedicate to national defense education. According to one CNAS scholar, nearly 3,000 Chinese higher educational institutions and 22,000 high schools annually organize students to undertake military training. In 2018, nearly 6 million Chinese college students were required to complete military training prior to starting the academic year.
Although the ASF would be a one-time commitment, it would continue for 12 months. This would make it longer, but also more concentrated than annual and repeated 2-week commitments as in China. This would give Fellows the opportunity to become familiar with the issues and skills in their area of specialty—such as maintaining domestic nuclear arsenals—on a deeper level than is possible in a short-term commitment. It would also invest in potential recruits for long-term military service, especially in areas involving cyber or other technological expertise. This has been a significant challenge for the military up to now. Marine Corps General Dennis Crall noted in a 2018 Senate hearing that it was difficult to recruit competent cyberwarfare experts across the country due to private sector competition and low numbers of qualified people. By exposing top coders to the services early on, the military would be able to increase its recruiting reach far beyond its current capabilities.
The emergence of great power competition is far from the only reason for implementing this proposal, however. Although most national service proposals focus solely on the military, a defining upgrade of the ASF should be to place the top 10% of high school graduates who apply into a diplomacy-related track overseas. This would serve to reinvigorate the Foreign Service pipeline.
This reflects a need to recruit the best talent possible to the Foreign Service, which represents America to the world. Too often, America’s most visible representatives around the world are wearing camouflage. Although the milita
